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Retrieved 1 March Retrieved 5 March Vox Media. Retrieved 15 February Origin of meme First recorded in ; coined by British evolutionary biologist C.
Words nearby meme membranous labyrinth , membranous laryngitis , membranous ossification , membranous rhinitis , membrum , meme , me-media , Memel , memento , memento mori , Memling.
Which means they have been around as long as humans have. These quotes. They're the same picture. If you're missing office banter, you need to revisit these iconic quotes.
Aaron Lynch described seven general patterns of meme transmission, or "thought contagion": . Dawkins initially defined meme as a noun that "conveys the idea of a unit of cultural transmission, or a unit of imitation.
Wilkins retained the notion of meme as a kernel of cultural imitation while emphasizing the meme's evolutionary aspect, defining the meme as "the least unit of sociocultural information relative to a selection process that has favorable or unfavorable selection bias that exceeds its endogenous tendency to change.
A meme could consist of a single word, or a meme could consist of the entire speech in which that word first occurred. This forms an analogy to the idea of a gene as a single unit of self-replicating information found on the self-replicating chromosome.
While the identification of memes as "units" conveys their nature to replicate as discrete, indivisible entities, it does not imply that thoughts somehow become quantized or that " atomic " ideas exist that cannot be dissected into smaller pieces.
A meme has no given size. Susan Blackmore writes that melodies from Beethoven 's symphonies are commonly used to illustrate the difficulty involved in delimiting memes as discrete units.
The inability to pin an idea or cultural feature to quantifiable key units is widely acknowledged as a problem for memetics. It has been argued however that the traces of memetic processing can be quantified utilizing neuroimaging techniques which measure changes in the connectivity profiles between brain regions.
To illustrate, she notes evolution selects for the gene for features such as eye color; it does not select for the individual nucleotide in a strand of DNA.
Memes play a comparable role in understanding the evolution of imitated behaviors. Lumsden and E. Wilson proposes the theory that genes and culture co-evolve, and that the fundamental biological units of culture must correspond to neuronal networks that function as nodes of semantic memory.
Lumsden and Wilson coined their own word, culturgen , which did not catch on. Coauthor Wilson later acknowledged the term meme as the best label for the fundamental unit of cultural inheritance in his book Consilience: The Unity of Knowledge , which elaborates upon the fundamental role of memes in unifying the natural and social sciences.
Dawkins noted the three conditions that must exist for evolution to occur: . Dawkins emphasizes that the process of evolution naturally occurs whenever these conditions co-exist, and that evolution does not apply only to organic elements such as genes.
He regards memes as also having the properties necessary for evolution, and thus sees meme evolution as not simply analogous to genetic evolution, but as a real phenomenon subject to the laws of natural selection.
Dawkins noted that as various ideas pass from one generation to the next, they may either enhance or detract from the survival of the people who obtain those ideas, or influence the survival of the ideas themselves.
For example, a certain culture may develop unique designs and methods of tool -making that give it a competitive advantage over another culture.
Each tool-design thus acts somewhat similarly to a biological gene in that some populations have it and others do not, and the meme's function directly affects the presence of the design in future generations.
In keeping with the thesis that in evolution one can regard organisms simply as suitable "hosts" for reproducing genes, Dawkins argues that one can view people as "hosts" for replicating memes.
Consequently, a successful meme may or may not need to provide any benefit to its host. Unlike genetic evolution, memetic evolution can show both Darwinian and Lamarckian traits.
Cultural memes will have the characteristic of Lamarckian inheritance when a host aspires to replicate the given meme through inference rather than by exactly copying it.
Take for example the case of the transmission of a simple skill such as hammering a nail, a skill that a learner imitates from watching a demonstration without necessarily imitating every discrete movement modeled by the teacher in the demonstration, stroke for stroke.
Clusters of memes, or memeplexes also known as meme complexes or as memecomplexes , such as cultural or political doctrines and systems, may also play a part in the acceptance of new memes.
Memeplexes comprise groups of memes that replicate together and coadapt. As an example, John D. Gottsch discusses the transmission, mutation and selection of religious memeplexes and the theistic memes contained.
Similar memes are thereby included in the majority of religious memeplexes, and harden over time; they become an "inviolable canon" or set of dogmas , eventually finding their way into secular law.
This could also be referred to as the propagation of a taboo. The discipline of memetics, which dates from the mids, provides an approach to evolutionary models of cultural information transfer based on the concept of the meme.
Memeticists have proposed that just as memes function analogously to genes , memetics functions analogously to genetics. Memetics attempts to apply conventional scientific methods such as those used in population genetics and epidemiology to explain existing patterns and transmission of cultural ideas.
Principal criticisms of memetics include the claim that memetics ignores established advances in other fields of cultural study, such as sociology , cultural anthropology , cognitive psychology , and social psychology.
Questions remain whether or not the meme concept counts as a validly disprovable scientific theory. This view regards memetics as a theory in its infancy: a protoscience to proponents, or a pseudoscience to some detractors.
There seems no reason to think that the same balance will exist in the selection pressures on memes. Luis Benitez-Bribiesca M.
As a factual criticism, Benitez-Bribiesca points to the lack of a "code script" for memes analogous to the DNA of genes , and to the excessive instability of the meme mutation mechanism that of an idea going from one brain to another , which would lead to a low replication accuracy and a high mutation rate, rendering the evolutionary process chaotic.
British political philosopher John Gray has characterized Dawkins's memetic theory of religion as "nonsense" and "not even a theory Another critique comes from semiotic theorists such as Deacon  and Kull.
The meme is thus described in memetics as a sign lacking a triadic nature. Semioticians can regard a meme as a "degenerate" sign, which includes only its ability of being copied.
Accordingly, in the broadest sense, the objects of copying are memes, whereas the objects of translation and interpretation are signs.
Fracchia and Lewontin regard memetics as reductionist and inadequate. Opinions differ as to how best to apply the concept of memes within a "proper" disciplinary framework.
One view sees memes as providing a useful philosophical perspective with which to examine cultural evolution. Proponents of this view such as Susan Blackmore and Daniel Dennett argue that considering cultural developments from a meme's-eye view— as if memes themselves respond to pressure to maximise their own replication and survival—can lead to useful insights and yield valuable predictions into how culture develops over time.
Others such as Bruce Edmonds and Robert Aunger have focused on the need to provide an empirical grounding for memetics to become a useful and respected scientific discipline.
A third approach, described by Joseph Poulshock, as "radical memetics" seeks to place memes at the centre of a materialistic theory of mind and of personal identity.
Prominent researchers in evolutionary psychology and anthropology , including Scott Atran , Dan Sperber , Pascal Boyer , John Tooby and others, argue the possibility of incompatibility between modularity of mind and memetics.
Atran discusses communication involving religious beliefs as a case in point. In one set of experiments he asked religious people to write down on a piece of paper the meanings of the Ten Commandments.
Despite the subjects' own expectations of consensus, interpretations of the commandments showed wide ranges of variation, with little evidence of consensus.
In another experiment, subjects with autism and subjects without autism interpreted ideological and religious sayings for example, "Let a thousand flowers bloom" or "To everything there is a season".
People with autism showed a significant tendency to closely paraphrase and repeat content from the original statement for example: "Don't cut flowers before they bloom".
Controls tended to infer a wider range of cultural meanings with little replicated content for example: "Go with the flow" or "Everyone should have equal opportunity".
Only the subjects with autism—who lack the degree of inferential capacity normally associated with aspects of theory of mind —came close to functioning as "meme machines.
In his book The Robot's Rebellion , Keith Stanovich uses the memes and memeplex concepts to describe a program of cognitive reform that he refers to as a "rebellion.
These properties make salient the sometimes parasitic nature of acquired memes, and as a result individuals should be motivated to reflectively acquire memes using what he calls a " Neurathian bootstrap " process.
In Cultural Software: A Theory of Ideology , Jack Balkin argued that memetic processes can explain many of the most familiar features of ideological thought.
His theory of "cultural software" maintained that memes form narratives , social networks, metaphoric and metonymic models, and a variety of different mental structures.
Balkin maintains that the same structures used to generate ideas about free speech or free markets also serve to generate racistic beliefs.
To Balkin, whether memes become harmful or maladaptive depends on the environmental context in which they exist rather than in any special source or manner to their origination.
Balkin describes racist beliefs as "fantasy" memes that become harmful or unjust "ideologies" when diverse peoples come together, as through trade or competition.
Although social scientists such as Max Weber sought to understand and explain religion in terms of a cultural attribute, Richard Dawkins called for a re-analysis of religion in terms of the evolution of self-replicating ideas apart from any resulting biological advantages they might bestow.
As an enthusiastic Darwinian, I have been dissatisfied with explanations that my fellow-enthusiasts have offered for human behaviour.
They have tried to look for 'biological advantages' in various attributes of human civilization. For instance, tribal religion has been seen as a mechanism for solidifying group identity, valuable for a pack-hunting species whose individuals rely on cooperation to catch large and fast prey.
Frequently the evolutionary preconception in terms of which such theories are framed is implicitly group-selectionist, but it is possible to rephrase the theories in terms of orthodox gene selection.
He argued that the role of key replicator in cultural evolution belongs not to genes, but to memes replicating thought from person to person by means of imitation.
These replicators respond to selective pressures that may or may not affect biological reproduction or survival. Many of the features common to the most widely practiced religions provide built-in advantages in an evolutionary context, she writes.
For example, religions that preach of the value of faith over evidence from everyday experience or reason inoculate societies against many of the most basic tools people commonly use to evaluate their ideas.
By linking altruism with religious affiliation, religious memes can proliferate more quickly because people perceive that they can reap societal as well as personal rewards.
The longevity of religious memes improves with their documentation in revered religious texts. Aaron Lynch attributed the robustness of religious memes in human culture to the fact that such memes incorporate multiple modes of meme transmission.
Religious memes pass down the generations from parent to child and across a single generation through the meme-exchange of proselytism.